carcer
carcer, a prison, jail
- I A prison, jail (syn.: custodia, vincula): si tresviri me in carcerem conpegerint, Plaut. Am. 1, 1, 3 (155); id. Poen. 3, 3, 79 (693); Lucr. 3, 1016; Cic. Verr. 2, 5, 9, § 22 sq.; Liv. 6, 36, 112 al.: carcer, quem vindicem scelerum majores nostri esse voluerunt, Cic. Cat. 2, 12, 27.
- A Poet., of the custody of the winds, Verg. A. 1, 54; Ov. M. 4, 663; 14, 224; id. F. 2, 456; and of the lower world: carcer inferorum, Sen. Herc. Fur. 1222: Ditis, Luc. 6, 797.—Trop., of the chains of the body: qui ex corporum vinculis tamquam e carcere evolaverunt, Cic. Rep. 6, 14, 14; so id. Tusc. 1, 30, 74; Luc. 6, 721.—
- B Esp., the Roman State-prison, close to the Forum, at the foot of the Capitoline Hill, on the right of the Sacra Via, built by Ancus Marcius, Liv. 1, 33, 8; extended under ground by Servius Tullius; hence this part of the prison is called Tullianum. Varr. L. L. 5, § 151, p. 42 Bip.; Cic. Sull. 25, 70; Sall. C. 55, 3; Liv. 1, 33, 8; Tac. A. 3, 51 al.; cf.: in inferiorem demissus carcerem, Liv. 34, 44, 8: in carcerem conditi, id. 29, 22, 7; cf. also Fest. p. 356 Müll., and Becker. Antiq. 1, 262 sq.; v. also Tullianum and robur, II. A.—
- C Meton.
- a The imprisoned criminals: in me carcerem effudistis, Cic. Pis. 7, 16.—
- b As a term of reproach ( = carcerarius), jail-bird, scapegallows: carcer vix carcere dignus, Lucil. ap. Don. Ter. Phorm. 373; Ter. Phorm. l. l.—
- II The barrier or starting-place in the race-course (opp. meta or calx; v. h. vv.); usu. in plur., carceres, Varr. L. L. 5, § 153 Müll.; Lucr. 2, 264; 4, 990; Cic. Brut. 47, 173; Verg. G. 1, 512; * Hor. S. 1, 1, 114 al. —In sing. (mostly poet.), Enn. Ann. ap. Cic. Div. 1, 48, 107 (v. 88 Vahl.); Tib. 1, 4, 32 (imitated by Ov. H. 18, 166); Auct. Her. 4, 3, 4; Verg. G. 3, 104; id. A. 5, 145 Serv.; Ov. M. 10, 652; id. Tr. 5, 9, 29; 5, 12, 26; Suet. Caes. 21; Stat. Th. 6, 522.—
- B Trop., the commencement, beginning, of a course of action or of a condition: a quibus carceribus decurrat ad metas, Varr. R. R. 1, 3; so id. ib. 2, 7, 1: ad carceres a calce revocari, i.e. to begin life anew, Cic. Sen. 23, 83; cf.: cum aequalibus, quibus cum tamquam e carceribus emissus sis, id. Lael. 27, 101.
genitor sobolem ‥ / truserat in tenebras conclusi carceris atras
quam nunc ‥ Romana ~er includit(
perveniunt quo carcer erat; quem sedibus imis / tortores clausere truces
~er vel ergastulum vel lautumia,cwærtern
~er, dictus a coarcendo,witern
in ~erem pre ~eribus obscuriorem eum detruserat
cum contingit clericum pro delicto foreste defamari, ‥ vocatur coram justiciariis et, ‥ nisi prius ~eri laicali mancipetur, suo ordinario nulla[(tenus ] liberatur
statuimus ut in omni monasterio sit ~er, in quo puniri possint enormiter delinquentes
ut patrem suum de longo ~ere liberavit
ipsas [personas ] ad ~eres perpetuas sive temporales ‥ ad minus usque ad proximam ‥ convocacionem duraturas ‥ realiter committant
cui dominus ‥ penitenciam ‥ injunxit, ~eres viz. septennales in et sub custodia ‥ London’ episcopi
monachum ‥ ~eribus per regem R. detentum ‥ ab hujusmodi ~eribus liberari ‥ optinuit
aut mortem aut perpetuas ~eres sibi preparare pensabat
dicit quod senescallus ‥ optulit ei predictam marcam pro predicto T. et aliis per sic quod possunt esse in libero ~ere(
in libera prisona
vidit etiam suum infelix inter tales ~erem, quo miserabilius ipse desperata salute periret
priusquam me absorbeat ~er infernalis
ima sed eterni carceris hostis habet
~eres,horsa steal
non ferens ales diuturnas et degeneres ~eris angustias
qui [leo ] cum e ~ere ‥ erupisset
- 1. gevangenis, kerker; ➤ custos carceris; in carcerem ducere, conicere; carcere includere; emitti e carcere; carcerem refringere; — v.h. lichaam als gevangenis v.d. ziel: corpore animus tamquam carcere saeptus; vincula carceris rumpere;
- 2. (meton.) de gevangengezette misdadigers;
- 3. (Ter.) (als scheldw.) schurk;
- 4. plur. slagboom aan het begin v.d. renbaan, startperk (itt. calx: eindpaal v.d. renbaan); ➤ ad carceres a calce revocari opnieuw beginnen.
De furonibus unusquisque judex in civitate sua faciat Carcerem sub Terram... et immittat in ipsum carcerem ad annos duos, etc.Nostris
Cul-de-bassefosse. Passio S. Felicis Episcopi Tubizacensis :
Jussit eum legatus in ima Carcerismitti.
Si vero Clericus aliquis pro suis culpis a ministerialibus Prælatorum Ecclesiæ captus fuerit, non patiaris eum custodiæ publicæ mancipari, aut in carcerem Laicorum retrudi, sed potius in domo tua, vel alterius Ecclesiasticæ personæ, ejus custodiæ locum facias congruum provideri, ubi secundum qualitatem et quantitatem delicti debeat custodiri.
dicitur quando aliquis est captus pro debito civili. Vide Michaelem
del Molinoin Repertorio Fororum Aragon.
infra certam diem sponte venientibus, pœnitentibus, et tam de se quam de aliis plenam dicentibus veritatem,Concilium Narbonense ann. 1235. can. 49.quibus quidem variæ pœnitentiæ injungebantur : cum hæretici et credentes, qui veritatem de se vel de aliis suppresserant, vel infra tempus indulgentiæ non venerant,perpetuo carceri addicerentur.
Carceratus, in Legibus Norman. cap. 50. apud Ludewig. Reliq. MSS. tom. 7. pag. 252. et in Breviario Hist. Pisanæ apud Muratorium tom. 6. col. 171.
Chiaræinter not. pag. 100 :
Ordinamus quod mulieres et sorores in Carceribus commorantes vel cellis, nullum ostium habeant vel fenestram, per quod vel quam persona aliqua ingredi valeat vel exire, nisi forte esset aliquis Carcer vel cella habens claustrum muratum altitudine x. pedum.
Carterierset
Cartiersnuncupantur, in Vita J. C. MS. :
Paulo ante de eadem muliere infirma hæc leguntur :El siecle n'ost si boine ouvriere De fille à femme Carteriere... La pucelle s'en vait courant A sa mere qu'ele ot moult chiere, Jasoit chou qu'ele fu Cartiere.
La dame estoit moult mehaignée Et de grant dolour enlachiée.... Toute estoit en un clot ferue, etc.
Cartriersdicuntur ibidem :
Saint Phanuiaus fu moult preudon, Et de moult grant relegion, Les Cartriers aloit visiter Et les malades revinder.
Chartriers, eodem sensu, in Charta ann. 1405. ex Reg. 160. Chartoph. reg. ch. 37 :
Les proviseurs et administrateurs des poures et Chartriers de ville et cité de Reins, etc.Vide Carcerarius et Incarcerati.
- a prison, jail: in carcerem duci: carcerem refringere, L.: effundere: privatus, L.: vindex scelerum: vincla carceris rumpere, i. e. of the body.—Poet., of the cave of Aeolus, V., O. — Esp., the Roman state-prison: inferior carcer, L.; cf. Tullianum.—Meton., as a term of reproach, jail-bird, scape-gallows, T.—The barrier, starting-place in the race-course: effusi carcere currūs, V.: cum carcere uterque Emicat, O. — Usu. plur: cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae, V.: carceribus missi currūs, H.—Fig.: ad carceres a calce revocari, i. e. to begin life anew.
-
…sentiet in hac urbe esse consules vigilantis, esse egregios magistratus, esse fortem senatum, esse arma, esse carcerem quem vindicem nefariorum ac manifestorum scelerum maiores nostri esse voluerunt. atque haec omnia sic agentur ut maximae res minimo…
Cicero, in Catilinam
-
…ad custodiendum te diligentissimum et ad suspicandum sagacissimum et ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. sed quam longe videtur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere qui se ipse iam dignum custodia iudicarit quae cum ita sint, Catilina, dubitas…
Cicero, in Catilinam
-
…revoco ; nam neque ab eo divelli possunt et pereant sane in latrocinio, quoniam sunt ita multi ut eos carcer capere non possit. postremum autem genus est non solum numero verum etiam genere ipso atque vita quod proprium Catilinae…
Cicero, in Catilinam
-
…ne quid eo spatio novaretur, tresviros, quae supplicium postulabat, parare iubet. Ipse praesidiis dispositis Lentulum in carcerem deducit ; idem fit ceteris per praetores. Est in carcere locus, quod Tullianum appellatur, ubi paululum ascenderis…
Sallust, Catilina
-
…, parare iubet. Ipse praesidiis dispositis Lentulum in carcerem deducit ; idem fit ceteris per praetores. Est in carcere locus, quod Tullianum appellatur, ubi paululum ascenderis ad laevam, circiter duodecim pedes humi depressus. Eum muniunt…
Sallust, Catilina
-
…furentibus austris, Aeoliam venit. Hic vasto rex Aeolus antro luctantes ventos tempestatesque sonoras imperio premit ac vinclis et carcere frenat. Illi indignantes magno cum murmure montis circum claustra fremunt ; celsa sedet Aeolus arce sceptra tenens, mollitque…
Vergil, Aeneid
-
…quam quod eandem illam manum ex intermortuis Catilinae reliquiis concitastis, quod omnis undique perditos conlegistis, quod in me carcerem effudistis, quod coniuratos armastis, quod eorum ferro ac furori meum corpus atque omnium bonorum vitam obicere voluistis sed…
Cicero, in Pisonem
-
…navigarent, sua voluntate cum piratis fuisse arguebat. itaque alii cives Romani, ne cognoscerentur, capitibus obvolutis e carcere ad palum atque ad necem rapiebantur, alii, cum a multis civibus Romanis cognoscerentur, ab omnibus defenderentur ,…
Cicero, in Verrem
-
…; aedem civium ; fecis ; set ut L. Satur ; ninus ;, si carcerem re ; fregi ; sset, si Capitoli ; um cum armatis occupa ; visset facerem…
Cicero, pro Rabirio Perduellionis Reo
-
…L. Suettium, equitem Romanum, lectissimum virum, dicere audistis, et quae ceteros audietis. cervices in carcere frangebantur indignissime civium Romanorum, ut iam illa vox et imploratio, civis Romanus sum, quae saepe multis in…
Cicero, in Verrem
CARCER(δεσμωτήριον), a prison.
1. Greek.Imprisonment was seldom used among the Greeks as a legal punishment for offences. Among the Athenians, with whom we are chiefly concerned, it was practically unknown in the sense of confinement for a definite period after conviction. They had neither the appliances in the shape of walls and bars, nor were they willing to incur the expense; and they preferred either banishment or the death penalty. Capital punishment was inflicted without hesitation for comparatively trifling offences, but by more humane methods than those of modern Europe until quite recent times.
Imprisonment before trial, on the other hand, was common enough, though bail was freely accepted in cases other than capital ; the terror of exile was in general thought sufficient to keep a man to his bail (Demosth. c. Timrocr. p. 739.125; p. 741.131 ; ENGYE). The farmers of the taxes and lessees of other revenues (τελῶναι, μισθούμενοι), as well as their sureties (οἱ ἐγγυώμενοι), were liable to imprisonment if the duties were not paid by a specified time; and in cases where default was to be feared, they might even be imprisoned at the discretion of the senate or law-courts (Demosth. l. c. p. 713, § § 40, 41; BOULÉ, p. 312 b). This, as Demosthenes insists throughout the speech in question, was the great safeguard to insure regularity of payment. Again, persons who had been mulcted in penalties might be confined till they paid them, not only in criminal cases (Lex ap. Demosth. c. Mid. p. 529.47), but in some civil actions for damages as well, especially when the ἐπωβελία had been incurred (Demosth. c. Lacr. p. 939.46; c. Dionysod. p. 1204.4; EPOBELIA). Certain of the ἄτιμοι also, if they exercised the rights of citizenship, were subject to the same consequences (Demosth. c. Timocr. p. 732.103). We read, moreover, of δεσμὸς as a public stigma put upon disgraceful offences, such as theft; but this was a προστίμημα or additional penalty, the infliction of which was at the option of the court; and the δεσμὸς itself was not so much an imprisonment as a public exposure in the ποδοκάκκη or stocks, for five days and nights--called also ἐν ξύλψ δεδέσθαι (Demosth. op. cit., p. 700.2; pp. 732-3, § § 103, 105; p. 736.114). One more description of imprisonment remains to be noticed, that in the interval between condemnation and execution. In this last case, owing to the insecurity of the building, the prisoner was chained, and was under the special custody of the Eleven, who were also responsible for the execution itself.
There are, no doubt, several passages from which we might infer the existence at Athens of imprisonment as a punishment by itself: e. g. Plat. Apol. 37 C; Laws, 9.864 E, 880 B, and especially 10.908. In this last passage Plato proposes to have three prisons: one of these was to be a σωφρονιστήριον or reformatory, and another a place of punishment for the incorrigible--a sort of penal settlement away from the city. But such vague allusions, as Westermann rightly insists (ap. Pauly, s. v. δεσμωτήριον), prove nothing against the persistent silence of the historians and orators. The speech of Andocides against Alcibiades, where we read ( § 4) ἐξὸν κολαζειν χρήμασι καὶ δεσμῷ καὶ θανάτῳ, is a mere rhetorical exercise; and the words of Lysias, ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ δεδεμένος ἀπέθανε (c. Agorat. § 67) may easily refer to an untried prisoner. Of imprisonment as a punishment by itself, Schömann argues, we have no certain example; and this remark in his text is supported by a good note (Antiq. 1.489, E. T.). The opposite and, as it seems to the present writer, less probable opinion has, however, been maintained by K. F. Hermann (Staatsalterth. § 139) and Caillemer (ap. Daremberg and Saglio).
The prison at Athens is frequently mentioned in the orators, both by its usual name δεσμωτήριον and the euphemistic equivalent οκημα. But the plural δεσμωτήρια does not seem to occur in any Attic writer, though there are passages (such as Demosth. c. Androt. p. 614.68; c. Timocr. p. 764, § § 208, 209) where, if a plurality of prisons existed at Athens, we should almost certainly find them mentioned. This argument seems almost decisive in favour of the opinion of Ullrich (Ueber die Elf-Männer, p. 231 f.) and J. H. Lipsius (Att. Process, p. 73 n.), that there was only one. The authority of Hesychius and the Etym. M. is insufficient to prove, in the face of probability, that there was an Athenian prison called Θησεῖον: and there is no proof that the other names for prisons recorded by the grammarians are to be referred to Athens. Among these local names was ἀναγκαῖον or ἀνάκαιον in Boeotia, κέραμος in Cyprus, κῶς at Corinth; and among the Ionians γοργύρη, as at Samos (Hdt. 3.145; Pollux, 9.45); βάλαικες or βαλαίκακες, βλέορον, ἴψον, σιρός, all mentioned by Hesychius. The appearance of the Latin carcer in the Sicilian Greek κάρκαρον, and conversely of the Greek λατομίαι in the Latin lautumiae, is noticed by Mommsen as a proof of the early intercourse between the Romans and Sicily (R. H. 1.167, E. T.). Some of the above names may be slang or nicknames, such as are often applied to prisons in our own day: thus γοργύρα is explained to mean a sewer; ἴψον may be connected with ἶπος, a mousetrap. The gate through which criminals were led to execution was called χαρώνειον or θύρα χαρώνειος (Poll. 8.102, Suidas, and several times in the Paroemiographers); a grim joke which can hardly have arisen at Athens, where executions were private.
The Attic expression for imprisonment was δεῖν, a word which by no means implies the use of chains or fetters. The phrase in the oath of the βουλευταὶ or senators, οὐδὲ δήσω Ἀθηναίων οὐδένα, is explained by Demosthenes (c. Timocr. p. 746.147) as a security against arbitrary imprisonment by the executive government without trial. It was in fact the Habeas Corpus of the Athenian constitution. But he is careful to add ( § 151) that no such words occur in the oath of the Heliastae or dicasts ; the law-courts had absolute power over men's lives, liberties, and fortunes. We have also the phrase ἄδεσμος φυλακή (as in Thucyd. 3.34), like the libera custodia of the Romans, signifying that a person was under strict surveillance and guard, though not confined within the walls of a prison.
2. Roman.The oldest prison at Rome, traditionally the only one in early times (Juv. Sat. 3.312), was called simply Carcer; and is still to be seen on the eastern slope of the Capitoline hill, to the right of the ascent from the Forum. The name Mamertinus, usually applied to the Carcer, is mediaeval and not classical. It consists of a larger oblong upper and a smaller underground circular dungeon; the latter is that called the Tullianum, a name which has often been incorrectly explained. As the original erection of the Carcer was attributed to Ancus Marcius (Liv. 1.33), it was conjectured by the etymologists that the name Tullianum must have been derived from Servius Tullius, evidently a double mistake, as the lower chamber would certainly not have been added after the upper one. (Middleton, p. 80.) It is now agreed that it is from the tullii or springs for whose waters it formed a reservoir; that it was built in the first instance simply to protect the water supply of the Capitol, and was only in later times used as a part of the prison, when a captive, as in the well-known instance of Jugurtha, was doomed to be killed by cold and starvation (Festus and P. Diac. s. v. Tullii, pp. 352-3, Müller; Plut. Mar. 12; Burn, Rome and the Campagna, p. 81; Caillemer, ap. Daremberg and Saglio). Thus Livy speaks of the infamous Pleminius as dejectus in Tullianum (29.22), which in another passage is expressed by the words in inferiorem demissus carcerem, necatusque (34.44). It was here, too, that Lentulus and the other accomplices of Catiline were strangled by order of the Triumviri Capitales; and Sallust describes it as sunk twelve feet in the earth, strongly walled, and with a roof vaulted with stone arches ( insuper camera, lapideis fornicibus vincta, Cat. 55). In reality, as modern investigations have shown, the construction is so old that it points to a time when the arch was not used in Roman architecture; the roof being of stone slabs, each overlapping the one beneath it, an approximation to the true arch found also in the well-known treasury of Mycenae and other primitive buildings. The upper chamber is also of very early date, but later than the Tullianum ; and it is not in its primitive condition. A projecting string-course on the outside records a restoration in the reign of Tiberius by the Consules Suffecti for the year 22 A.D.: C. VIBIUS C. F. RVFINVS. M. COCCEIV[S NERVA] COS. EX S. C. Another name for this part of the prison was robur, in old Latin robus, thus explained by Festus (p. 264 M.): Robus in carcere dicitur is locus, quo praecipitatur maleficorum genus, quod ante arcis robusteis includebatur. The robur is spoken of as a place of execution in several passages. In robore et tenebris exspirare, Liv. 38.59; Robur et saxum (sc. Tarpeium) minitari, Tac. Ann. 4.29.So also we read of Catenas--et Italum robur, Hor. Carm. 2.13, 18. The concluding words of Festus, quod ante arcis robusteis includebatur, must of course be explained of the oaken planks or beams with which the dungeon was formerly lined (Rein ap. Pauly, s. v. Tullianum, Orell. ad Tac. l. c.); not as by Caillemer, of wooden cages in which dangerous criminals were confined.
This prison was obviously too small to contain any number of prisoners, and probably from the first was appropriated to those condemned to death. The earliest mention of another prison is in the days of the Decemvirate, B.C. 450. Appius Claudius is said to have built one for political purposes, to overawe the champions of plebeian liberties ( quod domicilium plebis Romanae vocare sit solitus, Liv. 3.57). It was into this prison that he was himself thrown, and committed suicide while awaiting his trial. At a later period we find an additional prison called Lautumiae or stone-quarries in the immediate neighbourhood of the original Carcer; whether this was the prison of Appius, we do not know. It is not likely that there were ever any quarries on this spot, which was to the north-west of the Forum; but it may have been named after the Syracusan λατομίαι which were thus used (Mommsen, ubi supra). Varro (L. L. 5.151, Müll.) identified the Lautumiae with the Tullianum, and has been followed by some of the moderns; but they are distinguished by the best writers on Roman topography (Becker, Röm. Alterth. 1.262-268; Burn, p. 80). The Lautumiae were clearly of much greater extent; a conflagration in the region about the Forum, B.C. 210, extended to them, but not, it would seem, to the Carcer or the Capitol (Liv. 26.27); in B.C. 198 they were again full of prisoners and hostages, and were specially guarded in a time of conspiracy (id. 32.26); a few years later no less than forty-three leading Aetolians (Aetolorum principes, id. 37.3) were confined there.
With the growth of the city other prisons became necessary; but the words of Roman historians generally refer to these alone. Close to the Carcer, and between it and the Temple of Concord, were the Scalae Gemoniae, where the bodies of criminals were exposed after execution. The cases are mentioned of Caepio, the consul defeated by the Cimbri (Val. Max., but cf. 4.7.3; Cic. pro Balbo, 111.28); Sejanus (Dio Cass.; Juv. Sat. 10.66); other victims of Tiberius (Suet. Tib. 61; cf. cc. 54, 75); Sabinus (Tac. Hist. 3.74). Compare Burn, p. 81; Middleton, Anc. Rome in 1885, p. 78 ff.
[R.W] [W.W](δεσμωτήριον). A prison.
(1) Greek. Imprisonment was seldom used among the Greeks as a legal punishment for offences. Among the Athenians, with whom we are chiefly concerned, it was practically unknown in the sense of confinement for a definite period after conviction. They had neither the appliances in the shape of walls and bars, nor were they willing to incur the expense; and they preferred either banishment or the death penalty. Capital punishment was inflicted without hesitation for comparatively trifling offences, but by more humane methods than those of modern Europe until quite recent times.
Imprisonment before trial, on the other hand, was common enough, though bail was freely accepted in cases other than capital; the terror of exile was in general thought sufficient to keep a man to his bail (ἐγγύη). The farmers of the taxes and lessees of other revenues (τελῶναι, μισθούμενοι), as well as their sureties (οἱ ἐγγυώμενοι), were liable to imprisonment if the duties were not paid by a specified time; and in cases where default was to be feared, they might even be imprisoned at the discretion of the Senate or law-courts. This was the great safeguard to insure regularity of payment. Again, persons who had been mulcted in penalties might be confined till they paid them, not only in criminal cases, but in some civil actions instituted for damages as well. Certain of the ἄτιμοι also, if they exercised the rights of citizenship, were subject to the same consequences (Demosth. c. Timocr. p. 732. 103). We read, moreover, of δεσμός as a public stigma put upon disgraceful offences, such as theft; but this was a προστίμημα or additional penalty, the infliction of which was at the option of the court; and the δεσμός itself was not so much an imprisonment as a public exposure in the ποδοκάκκη or stocks, for five days and nights—called also ἐν ξύλῳ δεδέσθαι (Demosth. loc. cit., p. 700. 2; pp. 732-733. 103, 105; p. 736.114). One more description of imprisonment remains to be noticed, that in the interval between condemnation and execution. In this last case, owing to the insecurity of the building, the prisoner was chained, and was under the special custody of the Eleven, who were also responsible for the execution itself. See hendeka.
There are several passages from which we might infer the existence at Athens of imprisonment as a punishment by itself—e. g. Plato, Apol. 37 C; Laws, ix. 864E, 880 B, and especially x. 908. But such vague allusions prove nothing against the persistent silence of the historians and orators. “Of imprisonment as a punishment by itself,” Schömann argues, “we have no certain example”; and this remark in his text is supported by a good note (Antiq. i. 489, Eng. trans.). The opposite and less probable opinion has, however, been maintained by K. F. Hermann (Staatsalterth. 139) and Caillemer (ap. Daremberg and Saglio).
The prison at Athens is frequently mentioned in the orators, both by its usual name, δεσμωτήριον, and the euphemistic equivalent οἴκημα. But the plural δεσμωτήρια does not seem to occur in any Attic writer, though there are passages where, if a plurality of prisons existed at Athens, we should almost certainly find them mentioned. This argument seems almost decisive in favour of the opinion of J. H. Lipsius (Att. Process, p. 73 n.), that there was only one. The authority of Hesychius and the Etymologicum Magnum is insufficient to prove, in the face of probability, that there was an Athenian prison called Θησεῖον; and there is no proof that the other names for prisons recorded by the grammarians are to be referred to Athens. Among these local names was ἀναγκαῖον or ἀνάκαιον in Boeotia, κέραμος in Cyprus, κῶς at Corinth; and among the Ionians γοργύρη, as at Samos (Herod.iii. 145); βάλαικες or βαλαίκακες, βλέορον, ἴψον, σιρός, all mentioned by Hesychius. The appearance of the Latin carcer in the Sicilian Greek κάρκαρον, and conversely of the Greek λατομίαι in the Latin lautumiae, is noticed by Mommsen as a proof of the early intercourse between the Romans and Sicily (R. H. i. 167, Eng. trans.). Some of the above names may be slang or nicknames, such as are often applied to prisons in our own day: thus γοργύρα is explained to mean “a sewer”; ἴψον may be connected with ἶπος, “a mouse-trap.” The gate through which criminals were led to execution was called χαρώνειον or θύρα χαρώνειος (Poll.viii. 102), a grim joke which can hardly have arisen at Athens, where executions were private.
The Attic expression for imprisonment was δεῖν, a word which by no means implies the use of chains or fetters. The phrase in the oath of the βουλευταί, or senators, οὐδὲ δήσω Ἀθηναίων οὐδένα, is explained by Demosthenes (c. Timocr. p. 746. 147) as a security against arbitrary imprisonment by the executive government without trial. It was, in fact, the habeas corpus of the Athenian constitution. But he is careful to add ( 151) that no such words occur in the oath of the Heliastae or dicasts; the law-courts had absolute power over men's lives, liberties, and fortunes. We have also the phrase ἄδεσμος φυλακή (as in Thuc.iii. 34), like the libera custodia of the Romans, signifying that a person was under strict surveillance and guard, though not confined within the walls of a prison.
(2) Roman. The oldest prison at Rome, traditionally the only one in early times (Juv.iii. 312), was called simply Carcer; and is still to be seen on the eastern slope of the Capitoline Hill, to the right of the ascent from the Forum. The name Mamertinus, usually applied to the Carcer, is mediaeval and not classical. The Tullianum consists of a larger oblong upper and a smaller underground circular dungeon; the latter is that called the Tullianum, a name which has often been incorrectly explained. As the original erection of the Carcer was attributed to Ancus Marcius (Livy, i. 33), it was conjectured by the etymologists that the name Tullianum must have been derived from Servius Tullius, “evidently a double mistake, as the lower chamber would certainly not have been added after the upper one” (Middleton, Anc. Rome, p. 80). It is now agreed that it is from the tullii, or springs for whose waters it formed a reservoir; that it was built in the first instance simply to protect the water supply of the Capitol; and was only in later times used as a part of the prison when a captive, as in the well-known instance of Iugurtha, was doomed to be killed by cold and starvation (Festus and P. Diac. s. v. tullii, pp. 352-353, Müller; Plut. Mar. 12; Burn, Rome and the Campagna, p. 81). The name therefore originally meant “wellhouse.” Thus Livy speaks of the infamous Pleminius as deiectus in Tullianum (xxix. 22), which in another passage is expressed by the words in inferiorem demissus carcerem necatusque (xxxiv. 44). It was here, too, that Lentulus and the other accomplices of Catiline were strangled by order of the triumviri capitales; and Sallust describes it as sunk twelve feet in the earth, strongly walled, and with a roof vaulted with stone arches (Cat. 55). In reality, as modern investigations have shown, the construction is so old that it points to a time when the arch was not used in Roman architecture, standing next among existing remains to the prehistoric walls on the Palatine; the roof being of stone slabs, each overlapping the one beneath it, an approximation to the true arch found also in the well-known treasury of Mycenae and other primitive buildings. The upper chamber is also of very early date, but later than the Tullianum; and it is not in its primitive condition. A projecting string-course on the outside records a restoration in the reign of Tiberius by the consules suffecti for the year A.D. 22. Another name for this part of the prison was Robur, in old Latin Robus. The Robur is spoken of as a place of execution in several passages (Livy, xxxviii. 59; Tac. Ann. iv. 29), and is spoken of by Middleton as “the scene of countless butcheries and slow torture such as the Romans delighted in.” During each triumph, in his course up to the Capitol, the victorious general paused for a while near the Tullianum till word was brought him that some of his principal captives had been put to death in its gloomy vault. The Scalae Gemoniae (called by Gradus GemitoriiPliny , “stair of sighs”) led from the Forum to the door of the upper prison, and here the dead bodies of Sabinus, of Vitellius, of Seianus, and many other noted persons were exposed. (Cf. Tac. Hist. iii. 74, 85; Suet. Tib. 61; Vitell. 17; and the touching story in Pliny , H. N. viii. 145, of the faithful dog who there watched his master's body night and day and brought it food.)
The name Robur was given to the Tullianum from the oaken beams (robora) that lined it in early times. Plutarch (Marius, 12) calls the lower dungeon τὸ βάραθρον. A tradition of the Roman Church makes St. Peter and St. Paul to have been imprisoned here in the time of Nero, and declares the spring which still exists to have sprung up miraculously for the baptism of the jailers by St. Peter. The building has therefore been named S. Pietro in Carcere. See Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, i. pp. 151 foll., where a plan and section are given (London, 1892); and Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, i. 308 (American ed. 1888).
Sallust, in the passage already cited, gives an impressive picture of the lower vault in which Iugurtha and also Vercingetorix perished. “There is,” he says, “in the prison a chamber named the Tullianum, about twelve feet below the surface of the earth. It is surrounded by walls, and covered by a vaulted roof of stone; but its appearance is repulsive and fearful, because of the neglect, the darkness, and the stench.” Access to the lower dungeon was originally possible only through the hole in the ceiling. The exact proportions of the vault are 19 feet in length, 10 feet in width, and 6 1/2 feet in height.
The name Mamertinus, often applied to this prison, was bestowed upon it in the early part of the Middle Ages from a statue of Mars (Mamers) which stood near it on the Clivus Argentarius. From the same statue is derived the modern name of the street, Via del Marforio.
This prison was obviously too small to contain any number of prisoners, and probably from the first was appropriated to those condemned to death. The earliest mention of another prison is in the days of the Decemvirate, B.C. 450. Appius Claudius is said to have built one for political purposes, to overawe the champions of plebeian liberties (Livy, iii. 57). It was into this prison that he was himself thrown, and committed suicide while awaiting his trial. At a later period we find an additional prison called Lautumiae, or stone-quarries, in the immediate neighbourhood of the original Carcer. It is not likely that there were ever any quarries on this spot, which was to the northwest of the Forum; but it may have been named after the Syracusan λατομίαι mentioned above, which were thus used. Varro (L. L. v. 151, Müll.) identified the Lautumiae with the Tullianum, and has been followed by some of the moderns; but they are distinguished by the best writers on Roman topography (Becker, Röm. Alterth. i. 262-268; Burn, p. 80).
With the growth of the city other prisons became necessary; but the words of Roman historians generally refer to these alone. Close to the Carcer, and between it and the Temple of Concord, were the Scalae Gemoniae (q.v.), where the bodies of criminals were exposed after execution.