triumphus

triumphus (in the earliest per. written triumpus; v. the foll.; and cf. Cic. Or. 48, 160; Quint. 1, 5, 20; and the letter P), i, m. [cf. θρίαμβος, a hymn in honor of Bacchus].

• I TRIVMPE, an exclamation used in the solemn processions of the Arval brothers: ENOS MARMOR IVVATO. TRIVMPE, TRIVMPE, TRIVMPE, Carm. Fratr. Arv. ap. Inscr. Orell. 2270.—
• II A solemn and magnificent entrance of a general into Rome after having obtained an important victory, a triumphal procession, triumph (cf. Smith, Antiq. 1163 sqq.): disseres de triumpho. Quid tandem habet iste currus? quid vincti ante currum duces! quid simulacra oppidorum? quid aurum? etc., Cic. Pis. 25, 60; cf. Liv. 34, 52, 4; cf. id. 3, 29, 4: triumphum deportare, Cic. Off. 1, 22, 78: ne in triumpho duceretur, id. Tusc. 5, 40, 118: Gallos Caesar in triumphum ducit, Suet. Caes. 80: senatus cum triumphum Africano decerneret, id. Fin. 4, 9, 22: de classe populi Romani triumphum agere, id. Verr. 2, 5, 39, § 100; Liv. 45, 38, 11: triumphum ex Etruriā agere, id. 6, 7, 4: deportare triumphum ex provinciā, Nep. Cato, 2: Boiorum triumphi spem collegae reliquit, for a victory over the Boii, Liv. 33, 37, 10; cf.: Pharsalicae pugnae ne triumphum quidem egit, Cic. Phil. 14, 8, 23: per triumphum aliquem ducere, id. Verr. 2, 5, 26, § 67; Sall. H. 4, 61, 8 Dietsch: triumpho clarissimo urbem est invectus, Liv. 30, 45, 2: elephantos ducere in triumpho, Plin. 7, 43, 45, § 139: (res) justissimi triumphi, i. e. worthy of a triumph, Vatin. ap. Cic. Fam. 5, 10, 3: qui (Pompeius) tot habet triumphos, quot orae sunt partesque terrarum, Cic. Balb. 4, 9: albi greges ... Romanos ad templa deūm duxere triumphos, i.e. were carried before the processions, Verg. G. 2, 148.—The shout of the soldiery and the multitude on occasion of these triumphal processions was: Io triumphe, Hor. C. 4, 2, 49 and 50; id. Epod. 9, 21; 9, 23; cf. Liv. 45, 38, 12; Suet. Caes. 49; 51.—
• • B Trop., a triumph, victory: ut repulsam tuam triumphum suum duxerint, Cic. Vatin. 16, 39: luxuriae (gen. subj.), Plin. 37, 2, 6, § 14: de se ipso, Just. 14, 4, 6.

triumphus, ī, m., altlat. triumpus, ī, m. (ter u. pes), eig. der dreischrittige Tanz, der Dreischritt (wie tripudium), dah. I) bei feierlichen Umzügen der Arvalbrüder als den Dreischritt begleitender Ausruf: triumpe, triumpe, triumpe, Carm. fratr. arv. im Corp. inscr. Lat. 6, 2104, 37. – II) der dreischrittige Siegestanz, dann übh. der Siegeszug, A) eig., der nach einem wichtigen Siege dem Feldherrn u. seinen Soldaten vom Senate zugestandene feierliche Einzug in Rom, der Siegeszug, Triumph, wobei der Feldherr auf einem mit weißen Pferden bespannten Wagen saß und in eine toga picta u. tunica palmata gekleidet war, einen Lorbeerkranz auf dem Haupte u. einen elfenbeinernen Stab od. Szepter in der Hand trug, während vor dem Wagen die Gefangenen u. die gemachte Beute aufgeführt wurden u. ihm seine siegreichen Soldaten folgten. So wurde er in feierlichem Aufzuge vom Senate eingeholt u. auf das Kapitol geleitet, wobei die Soldaten abwechselnd den Ausruf io triumphe (s. Hor. carm. 4, 2, 49 sq.; epod. 9, 21 u. 23) u. lustige Lieder, namentlich Lob- od. Spottlieder auf den Feldherrn selbst (s. Liv. 45, 38, 12. Suet. Caes. 49, 4 u. 51) erschallen ließen, s. Cic. Pis. 60. Liv. 34, 52, 3 sqq.; vgl. Liv. 3, 29, 4 sq. – iustissimo triumpho triumphavit, Liv.: alci triumphum decernere (v. Senat), Cic., od. deferre, Liv.: triumphum postulare, impetrare, Liv.: triumpho fraudari, Liv.: triumphum deportare ex provincia, Nep.: triumphum tertium deportare, Cic.: triumphum frequentare (v. den Soldaten), Liv.: triumphum consulis celebrare (v. siegreichen Heere), Liv.: triumphum agere, einen Triumph halten, triumphieren, m. folg. Genet. od. de od. ex u. Abl. der Person od. des Landes, über die triumphiert wird, Plin.: Boiorum, Liv.: Pharsalicae pugnae, Cic.: de Liguribus, Liv.: ex Aequis, ex Etruria, Liv.: in urbem reversus tres triumphos egit, unum ex Illyrico, alterum ex Actiaca victoria, tertium de Cleopatra, Liv. epit.: qui ter triumphum unā portā egerit, Apul. apol 17: u. primum et excellentissimum triumphum egit Gallicum, sequentem Alexandrinum, deinde Ponticum etc., Suet. u. Parthos domitos iusto triumpho agere, im ordnungsmäßigen Tr. aufführen, Hor. carm. 1, 12, 54: triumphus fuit tantum de nomine, nur ihr N. wurde im Tr. aufgeführt, Flor. 2, 18, 17: per triumphum ducere alqm ante currum suum, im Triumphe, Cic.: so auch elephantos ducere in triumpho, Plin.: poet., albi greges (weiße Opferstiere, die vor dem Triumphwagen vorausgeführt wurden) Romanos ad templa deûm duxere triumphos, Verg. – B) übtr., der Triumph, Sieg, ut repulsam suam triumphum suum duxerint, Cic.: luxuriae, Plin.: ex inimicorum dolore, Cic.: de se ipso, Iustin.: pro victorialibus epulares triumphi, an die Stelle der Triumphe, die man auf dem Schlachtfelde erntete, traten solche, die man bei Trinkgelagen errang, Amm. – ➳ Nbf. triumphum, Schol. Bern. Verg. georg. 1, 504.

triumphus [CL] 1 victory procession or celebration, triumph. domum cum ~o magno et gaudio repedante Gildas EB 16; dum voti remeasset compos ad urbem / compta triumphorum sortitus labara princeps / inclita Romanis revehens ex hoste tropea Aldh. VirgV 2095; fasces i. honores, dignitates ‥ ~os GlH F 11; electos ‥ quosque juvenum quos decor corporis ‥ commendabat ad ~um dicit esse reservatos, reliquos ‥ vinctos ad opera Egypti per metalla destinatos J. Sal. Pol. 425B; imperatores magnificum et †memorabile [l. memorabilem] de Judeis agentes ~um Romam ingressi sunt (Hugo Floriac.) Gir. PI I 18 p. 79; ~us est palma que datur ei qui hostes capit et est aurea corona Bacon Gram. Gk. 138. 2 victory, triumph, conquest (also w. de); b (transf.). multus in orbe viget per sobria corda triumphus (Hymn.) Bede HE IV 18 p. 248; queritur a ducibus, quorum Vulfarius unus, / nobilibus pollens per Mercica regna triumphis Frith. 414; cum Franci cum omnibus nationibus sibi subjectis mutua se cede prosternerent, ad ultimum Ludovicus et Karolus, Lothario fugato, ~um adepti sunt W. Malm. GR II 110; post ‥ de Goliath ~um, post ‥ de hostium strage victorias J. Ford Serm. 73. 7; maxime monstrorum domitor, qui laude suprema / dignus ‥ / ‥ licite potes Herculeos ridere trihumphos H. Avr. Guthl. proem. 7.  b coramque beatis / qui tantum meruere viris spectare triumphum, / nubibus assumptus subit aurea sidera victor Wulf. Swith. pref. 440; remansit illa ad Dominicam ascensionem ‥ advenerat ‥ dies Domini Jesu ~o sollemnis W. Malm. GP V 273; post resurrectionis ~um soli ipsi gloriari est J. Ford Serm. 37. 4. 3 (in gl.) military leader. hic ~us, constabulle WW.

trĭumphus (8) (anc^t trĭumpus), ī, m. , ¶ 1 triumpe ! exclamation des frères Arvales dans leurs processions : CIL 6, 2104 || io triumphe ! exclamation des soldats et de la foule pendant le défilé des troupes et du général victorieux se rendant à travers la ville au Capitole : Varro L. 6, 68 ; cf. Hor. O. 4, 2, 49 ; Epo. 9, 21 ; triumphum clamare Liv. 21, 62, 2, pousser le cri de io triumphe ! cf. Liv. 45, 38, 12 ; Suet. Cæs. 49 ; 51 ¶ 2 triomphe [entrée solennelle à Rome du général victorieux qui monte au Capitole sur un char traîné de chevaux blancs, revêtu lui-même de la toga picta et de la tunica palmata et la tête ceinte de lauriers (tenue de Jupiter Capitolin), cependant que les soldats qui lʼaccompagnent poussent le io triumphe ! et chantent des chants élogieux ou satiriques à lʼadresse de leur général], cf. Cic. Pis. 60 ; Liv. 34, 52, 3, etc. ; triumphum decernere alicui Cic. Fin. 4, 22, décerner le triomphe à qqn [en parl. du sénat] ; v. deportare ; triumphum agere de aliquo, remporter le triomphe sur qqn : Cic. Mur. 31 ; Verr. 2, 5, 100, ou ex aliquo Cic. Br. 255 ; Fam. 3, 10, 1 ; Liv. 6, 7, 4 ; 41, 7, 1 ; Pharsalicæ pugnæ triumphum agere Cic. Phil. 14, 23, célébrer le triomphe à la suite de la bataille de Pharsale ; castellani triumphi Cic. Br. 256, triomphes pour des prises de fortins, cf. Liv. 33, 37, 10 ; hostium ducibus per triumphum ductis Cic. Verr. 2, 5, 77, les chefs ennemis étant conduits devant le char du triomphateur, cf. Cic. Verr. 2, 5, 67 ; insigni triumpho triumphare Liv. 10, 46, 2, triompher avec une pompe brillante, cf. Liv. 30, 45, 2 ; portari in triumpho Massiliam vidimus Cic. Off. 2, 28, nous avons vu porter dans le triomphe [de César] la ville de Marseille en effigie ¶ 3 triumphos ducere Sen. Polyb. 13, 2, [= agere ], célébrer des triomphes ¶ 4 [fig.] triomphe, victoire : Cic. Vat. 39.

triumphus , i. m.
奏凱。還朝。衆人護衛陪送傘旗。Ei triumphum decernere 定其奏凱。Triumphi honorem conferre vel eum triumpho donare 賞其凱旋。Ducere captivos per triumphum vel in triumpho 奏凱時驅虜前行。Deportare triumphum 勝而奏凱。Triumphum agere ex ea re 解此讲之難。Habere triumphos 奏凱。

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triumphus (old, triumpus) ī, m

• cf. θρίαμβος, a triumphal procession, triumph, celebration of victory by a public entrance into Rome: res bellicae triumpho dignae: senatus cum triumphum Africano decerneret: ex provinciā triumphum deportavit, N.: Boiorum triumphi spem collegae reliquit, over the Boii, L.: triumpho clarissimo urbem est invectus, L.: tot habet triumphos, quot sunt partes terrarum: ducere triumphos, i. e. head the processions, V.: Io triumphe (the shout of the people saluting the conqueror), H.—Fig., a celebration of victory, triumph, victory: de classe populiR.triumphum agere: pro triumpho nihil a vobis nisi huius temporis memoriam postulo.

TRIUMPHUS

TRIUMPHUSis probably derived from the shout triumphe (connected with θρίαμβος) uttered by the soldiers and populace during the procession (Varro, L. L. 6.68, also occurring in the chant of the Arval Brothers), but possibly an early transliteration from θρίαμβος itself. (See further Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, p. 394.)

The triumph was no doubt originally simply the return of the victorious army headed by its general, his first act being naturally the offering of sacrifice to the chief god of the city. A prominent feature in such an entry would be the display of captives and spoil. Here we have the essence of a triumph. (Varro, l. c.: Triumphare appellatum quod cum imperatore milites redeuntes clamitant per urbem in Capitolium eunti 10 triumphe. An early triumph of this kind is described in Liv. 3.29, 4.) It would take place, as a matter of course, after every successful campaign. After the ceremony had been elaborated and its importance thereby increased, there would naturally be a tendency, coincident with the weakening of the executive, to restrict it to exceptional successes, and gradually a body of rules grew up by which the granting of what had become a coveted favour was conditioned and limited. Above all, the consent of the senate became indispensable.

The triumph had two aspects, religious and military.

1. Before a general left Rome for the seat of war, his last act was to go to the Capitol, and there (if a magistrate) procure the auspices, without which the war could not properly be begun, and in every case make vows for the success of his arms (Liv. 45.39, &c.; Caes. B.C. 1.6; Plin. Pan. 5). If the campaign was successful, and a triumph was granted him, this took the form of a progress to the Capitol, there to pay his vows and offer sacrifice to Jupiter. This religious character of the triumph was emphasised by the fact that the general appeared in the procession in the character of the god. His dress was the same, and it was the property of the temple, and brought thence for the occasion. (Hence it is spoken of as exuviae Jovis:Suet. Aug. 94; cf. Juven. 10.38; Liv. 10.7, 10. Gordian was the first who had the costume as his own: Vita Gord. 4; cf. Vita Alex. Sev. 40.) So, too, the golden crown (Tertull. de Coron. 13) and the sceptre with its eagle belonged to the god; the body of the general was, in early times at least, painted red like that of the image in the temple (Plin. Nat.33.111); and the white chariot horses used by the emperors, and earlier by Camillus, recalled the white steeds of Jupiter and the Sun (Liv. 5.23, 5, and v. inf.). As to the importance of this identification of the priest (such as the triumphator was on this occasion) with the deity, see SACERDOS 2. The triumph was also a military act, the last performed by the general in his command, and therefore it was essential that he should during its performance be in full possession of the military imperium; this being inherent in the office of the chief magistrates (consul, praetor, dictator). Although ordinarily in abeyance within the city, such magistrates, if they obtained a triumph during their term of office, were already in possession of the essential qualification, and were consequently enabled (with the previous sanction of the senate) to exercise their military imperium on that occasion within the city. (For difficulties connected with the loss of the auspicia in certain cases, see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 1.124, note 5.) So long as the command of the army was regularly taken by one of the chief magistrates during his year of office, the right to a triumph belonged to this class exclusively (in an exceptional case like that of Q. Publilius Philo, consul in B.C. 327, where the command was prolonged beyond the regular term, the right was not lost: Liv. 8.26, 7); and hence, when during the Second Punic War it became necessary to appoint commanders who were not at the same time holders of one of the regular chief magistracies, the triumph was in such cases refused (e. g. P. Scipio in B.C. 206, Liv. 28.38, 4; L. Manlius Acidinus in B.C. 199, Liv. 32.7, 4; Cn. Cornelius Blasio in B.C. 196, Liv. 33.27; and L. Lentulus in B.C. 200, Liv. 31.20, 3, exemplum a majoribus non accepisse ut qui neque dictator neque consul neque praetor res gessisset triumpharet. The rule is also stated in Plut. Pomp. 14, ὑπάτῳ ἢ στρατηγῷ μόνῳ [θρίαμβον] δίδωσιν ὁ νόμος). Later, when it became the practice (finally legalised by Sulla) that the command of an army in a province should only be taken after the expiration of the year of office in Rome, it was found necessary to relax the rule, for the practical reason that, since none of the regular magistrates had the chance of gaining a victory, no triumphs whatever could have been granted. Accordingly, for the later period of the Republic, the triumphs celebrated are ordinarily those of proconsuls and propraetors. The fact that such had already held one of the chief magistracies in the city no doubt facilitated the modification of the old rule; but even where this had not been so, as in the exceptional case of Pompey in B.C. 81 and 71, the triumph was not refused. The imperium in the case of proconsuls and propraetors being granted (by prorogatio) strictly for the command in the province only, in order to facilitate the triumph Sulla legalised the practice of treating the imperium as subsisting until the general reached the city (Cic. ad Fam. 1.9, 25: cf. Liv. 34.10; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 1.619, notes 1 and 2). Such extension, however, only availed up to the pomerium, and special legislation (privilegium) was necessary to keep the imperium alive within the city on the day of the triumph (voted by the people ex auctoritate senatus, Liv. 26.21, cf. 45.35). Until this had been passed the general remained without the walls, for if he had entered the city the continuity of his imperium would have been lost, and he would have become a privatus, and thereby excluded from a triumph. (Hence Lucullus remained without the city for three years: Cic. Acad. pr. 2.1, 3: cf. the case of Cicero in B.C. 50, ad Att. 7.10.)

After an important victory the general was saluted by his troops as Imperator (a frequent but not universal preliminary to a triumph: Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.123); he assumed the fasces laureati (Cic. pro Lig. 3, 7, ad Att. 7.10), and forwarded to the senate litterae laureatae (Liv. 5.28, 13; Plin. Nat.15.40; Zon. 7.21; cf. Tac. Agr. 18), i. e. a despatch announcing the victory. If the intelligence proved satisfactory, the senate decreed a public thanksgiving [SUPPLICATIO], which was so frequently the forerunner of a triumph, that Cato thinks it necessary to remind Cicero that it was not invariably so (Cic. ad Fam. 15.5, 2). After the return of the general with his army to the neighbourhood of Rome, the next point was to obtain the consent of the senate, but before this could be given certain conditions must have been fulfilled. 1. The triumphator must be to the end of the ceremony in possession of the highest magisterial power--i. e. the imperium as belonging to the consul, praetor, dictator, proconsul, and propraetor; and this imperium must have been conferred in regular constitutional course (the tribuni consulari imperio were therefore excluded from a triumph; it was otherwise with the triumvirs, Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.126 c). This point has been already discussed, but some of its exceptions and consequences remain to be mentioned. When a pro-magistrate was elected consul during his command, his triumph took place on the day on which he entered on his magistracy (e. g. Marius in B.C. 104: Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.124, note 4). The imperium outside Rome being unlimited, and therefore only exercisable by one person in the same district and at the same time, if there were two commanders only one triumph could be granted, and it was therefore given either to the one of highest rank (e. g. a dictator before a consul, a consul before a praetor: Liv. 2.31, 4.29-Z2, 4; Ep. xix.), or, in the case of two consuls, to the one to whose turn the imperium and auspicium came on the day of battle (e. g. the battle of the Metaurus: Liv. 28.9, 10). So a triumph could not be claimed by a commander who had won a victory in the district assigned for the exercise of another's imperium (Liv. l. c. The battle of the Metaurus was fought in the provincia of M. Livius: cf. Liv. 10.37, 34.10-Z2). Exceptions to these rules occur after the First Punic War, and the lesser triumph (ovatio) was generally granted if the greater honour was refused. On the same principle one who commanded alienis auspiciis, i.e. as the representative of an absent general or the subordinate of one who was present, was excluded from a triumph (Dio Cass.). This rule was broken by Caesar towards the end of his life in the case of his legati (Dio Cass. l. c., Q. Fabius Maximus and Q. Pedius: cf. Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 1.127, note 3). This example was followed under the triumvirate (e. g. P. Ventidius, legatus of Antony: Dio Cass., 5). Lastly, in spite of the rule laid down by Cicero (de Leg. Agr. 2.12, 30), about the necessity of a lex curiata for the military imperium, there is an instance towards the end of the Republic of a triumph obtained by one who had never had the imperium so conferred (Cic. ad Att. 4.1. 6, 12; C. I. L. 1. p. 460, xxvii.).2. The victory must have been won in a legitimate contest against public foes (justis hostilibusque bellis, Cic. pro Deiot. 5, 13), and not in a civil war or insurrection of slaves (Val. Max., 7; Dio Cass.; Florus (Flor. 2.10, 9; Lucan (Luc. 1.12; Gell. 5.6, 21; Plut. Caes. 56). Hence there was no triumph after the capture of Capua in B.C. 211, or of Fregellae in 125, though the former had not the full citizenship, and the latter was only a Latin colony. (The reason given in Val. Max. l. c., that Capua had belonged to Rome and that a triumph was only granted pro aucto imperio, is wrong: Mommsen, Staatsr. 1. p. 129, note 3.) Caesar's triumphs after Thapsus and Munda, and Octavian's after Actium, do not violate this rule, for in each case the victory was represented as having been won over foreigners; while, on the other hand, Caesar celebrated no triumph for Pharsalia. The feeling appears as late as Septimius Severus (Herodian, 3.9, 1).3. The victory must have been won in the course of serious fighting (Gell. 5.6, 21); and according to Valerius Maximus (Val. Max. 2.8, 1), a law enacted that a minimum loss of 5,000 men must have been inflicted on the enemy in a single battle. (By a plebiscitum of B.C. 62 the general had to affirm his returns on oath, and penalties were fixed for falsification.) This rule is obviously of recent date, and even later there are many instances of triumphs granted for general results (in the case of P. Cornelius and M. Baebius, Liv. 40.38, there had been no war. Cf. 8.26, 7; 37.46;--Cic. in Pis. 26, 62).4. The war must have been brought to a conclusion (debellatum), so that the army could be withdrawn (deportatio exercitus), the presence of the victorious soldiers being an essential part of the ceremony (Liv. 26.21; 31.49-Z2). Originally, therefore, the fact of handing over an army at the seat of war to a successor excluded from a triumph. Later, when circumstances compelled the maintenance of permanent armies at a great distance from Italy, the condition as to deportatio was dispensed with, provided that the war had been brought to a conclusion (Liv. 39.29, 4).

Decisive victories in a war of great extent or duration could be rewarded by a triumph, i. e. they were treated as the conclusion of separate wars: e. g. in the Hannibalic war the battle of the Metaurus and the capture of Tarentum. The claims for triumphs after the conquest of Sicily and Spain in the same war were only rejected on other grounds (cf. Tac. Ann. 1.55; 2.41-Z2).

Granting that a chief magistrate had an absolute right to exercise his full imperium within the city on the day of his triumph, the existence of this body of rules implies the recognition of some authority, other than the general himself, which should decide on their applicability. As a matter of fact we find that from the earliest times the senate was so recognised (Liv. 2.47, 10; 3.29-Z2, 4; 63, 9: cf. Plb. 6.13; Sen. de Ben. 5.15) that its decision was regularly treated as final (e. g. Liv. 10.36, 19; Dionys. 9.26), and only exceptionally set aside by an appeal to the people (Liv. 3.63, 8; 7.17-Z2, 9;--Zon. 8.20), or by violence (cases of L. Postumius Megellus, Liv. 10.37; and Appius Claudius, Cic. pro Cael. 14, 34; Suet. Tib. 2). We know of no case in which the senate was not first applied to. The point, no doubt, at which that body made its authority felt was the senatusconsultum, without which there could be no grant of public money for the expenses of the triumph (Plb. 6.15, 8; Liv. 33.23, 8: cf. Dio Cass.). In the case of pro-magistrates, whose imperium rested on prorogatio, the consent of the senate was followed by the privilegium allowing the retention of the imperium within the city for the triumph (see above). It is probably from a confusion with this that it is sometimes said that the consent of the senate must be ratified by the people: e. g. Suet. Fr. viii. ed. Roth. See Willems, Le Sénat de la République Romaine, vol. 2. p. 672, note 2. But the early mention of the co-operation of the people in Liv. 4.20, of B.C. 437 (cf. Dionys. 3.59), perhaps points to the existence of a different state of things in early times. The senate met for these deliberations outside the walls, usually in the temple of Bellona (Liv. 26.21, 36.39-Z2) or Apollo (Liv. 39.4), in order that the general might have an opportunity of urging his claims in person. After the erection of the temple of Mars Ultor by Augustus in his forum, at least the final sitting was held there (Suet. Aug. 29).

When the day appointed had arrived, the whole population poured forth from their abodes in holiday attire; some stationed themselves on the steps of public buildings, while others mounted scaffoldings erected for the purpose of commanding a view of the show. The temples were all thrown open, garlands of flowers decorated every shrine and image, and incense smoked on every altar (Plut. Aem. 32; Ov. Tr. 4.2, 4). Meanwhile the general, who had passed the night in the Campus Martius (Joseph. B. J. 7.5, 4), addressed his soldiers in a contio, and announced the rewards that were to be distributed to the officers and men (Liv. 10.30, 46; 30.45-Z2, 3; 33.23-Z2, &c.; Plin. Nat.37.16; Dio Cass.).

The procession was then marshalled in the Campus, where it was met by the senate and magistrates (Josephus, l. c.). Generally the following order was preserved, but naturally there were variations under special circumstances (a good instance of such is the triumph of Aurelian, described in Vita Aurel. 33). 1. The magistrates and senate (Dio Cass., 9).2. Trumpeters (tubicines: Plut. Aem. 33; Appian, App. Pun. 66).3. The tangible results of the victory, including spoils of armour, objects materially or artistically valuable, representations of conquered countries, cities, rivers, &c., by means of pictures, models, and allegorical figures (Liv. 26.21, 7; Cic. Phil. 8.6, 18;. Tac. Ann. 2.41; Plin. Nat.5.5. In one of the inner reliefs on the Arch of Titus all the bearers of these are represented wearing laurel wreaths), together with boards on which were painted the names of the vanquished nations and countries. With these were displayed the golden crowns presented to the general by the towns of the conquered province (Liv. 26.21, 34.52-Z2; Plut. Aem. 34. In earlier times they were of laurel: Gell. 5.6, 7).4. The white oxen destined for sacrifice, with gilded horns, decorated with vittae and serta, attended by the priests with their implements, and followed by the Camilli, bearing in their hands paterae and other sacred vessels and instruments (Plut. Aem. 33).5. The principal captives in chains (e. g. Perseus, Jugurtha, Vercingetorix, Zenobia. The dead Cleopatra was represented by an image: Dio Cass., 8).6. The lictors of the general in red tunics, their fasces wreathed with laurel (Appian, App. Pun. 66. The fasces were probably without the axes: so in the relief of the Arch of Titus. See, however, Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.129; LICTORp. 66 a).7. Citharistae or ludiones, dancing and singing if in exultation over the conquered enemy Appian, l. c.: cf. Dionys. 7.72).8. The general himself, in a chariot of circular form (Zon. 7.21), drawn by four horses.

As to the use of white horses, v. sup. After Camillus (Liv. 5.23; Dio Cass.; Plut. Cam. 7), we hear of no general venturing to introduce them till Caesar (Dio Cass., 3), but his example appears to have been regularly followed by the emperors (Suet. Nero 25; Plin. Pan. 22. The Augustan poets mention it as an ordinary detail: Ovid, A. A. 1.214;. Propert. 5.1, 32). Both chariot and horses were adorned with laurel (Suet. Aug. 94; Ov. Pont. 2.1, 58; Flor. 1.5, 6; Zon. 7.8). In the 3rd century, if the triumph was over the Parthians (triumphus Persicus), the chariot was drawn by four elephants (Vita Alex. Sev. 57, 4; Gord. Tert. 27, 9; and cf. the coin of Diocletian and Maximian described in Cohen,. Médailles Impériales, 6. p. 479, 3). Pompey had unsuccessfully attempted to gain permission for this at his African triumph (Plut. Pomp. 14: cf. Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, 2. p. 586, note 7). Incense was burnt in front of the chariot (Appian, App. Pun. 66). The dress of the, general (v. sup. as to its general character), consisted of a flowered tunic (tunica palmata) and gold embroidered robe (toga picta), both of purple (Plut. Aem. 34; Liv. 10.7, 9). In. his right hand he carried a laurel bough (Plut. Aem. 32; Plin. Nat.15.137), and in his left an ivory sceptre crowned by an eagle (Dionys. 3.61, 5.47-Z2; Val. Max., 5;. Juv.. 10.43). In early times his body seems to have been painted red (Plin. Nat.33.111, and) v. sup.). On his head was a wreath of laurel. (Plin. Nat.15.137). Behind him stood a public slave, holding over his head the heavy golden crown of Jupiter, made in the form of ant oak-wreath (Juven. 10.39; Plin. H. N. xxxii,1.11, 38.7; Zon. 7.21; Tertull. de Cor. 13). That this culmination of human and almost divine honours might not provoke the evil consequences of pride, invidia, and the evil eye, an amulet (fascinus) was worn by him or was attached to the chariot, together with a little bell and a scourge (Plin. Nat.28.39; Zon. 7.21; Macrob. Sat. 1.6, 9); and the slave who rode beside him whispered in his ear, Respice post te, hominem te memento (Tertull. Apol. 33, confirmed by Arrian, Diss. Epict. 3.24, 85, and Plin. H. N. l. c.: cf. Juven. 10.41). We can hardly suppose that the slave was present in the case of an emperor. The monuments almost invariably show a figure of Victory beside the emperor in the chariot, holding a crown of laurel over his head. A state chair (sella) also appears to have belonged to the triumphator, for such is mentioned in connexion with the other triumphal distinctions (Liv. 10.7, 9; Dio Cass.; Suet. Jul. 76; Mommsen, Staatsr. 1. p. 423). His children who were under age (of both sexes) rode with him in the chariot or on the horses (Liv. 45.40, 8; Val. Max., 1; 10, 2;--Tac. Ann. 2.41; Vita M. Ant. Phil. 12, 10; Cic. pro Mur. 5, 11; Suet. Tib. 6). His grown--up sons rode behind (Liv. 45.40, 4) after the apparitores (Appian, App. Pun. 66), together with his legati and tribuni (Cic. in Pis. 25, 60; Appian, Mithr. 117). Then sometimes came the Roman citizens whom he had rescued from slavery by his victory, in the character of freedmen (Liv. 30.45, 5; 33.23-Z2, 6; 34.52-Z2, 12). The rear was brought up by the whole body of the infantry in marching order, their spears adorned with laurel (Plin. Nat.15.133), shouting Io triumphe (Varro, L. L. 5.7; Hor. Od. 4.2, 49; Tibull. 2.6, 121), and singing songs which contained the praises of the general as well as the coarsest ribaldry at his expense (Liv. 4.20; 53, 11, &c.;--Suet. Jul. 49, 51; Mart. 1.5, 3; other references given in Marquardt, Staatsverw. 2. p. 588, note 2. See also Munro, Criticisms and Elucidations of Catullus, p. 90).

The procession entered the city by the Porta Triumphalis [Cic. in Pis. 23, 55. It seems to have been between the Temple of Isis and the Circus Flaminius (Joseph. B. J. 7.5, 4), and was apparently only opened on these occasions, as there was a special resolution of the senate in the case of the funeral of Augustus, Tac. Ann. 1.8]. Here sacrifices were offered to certain deities (Joseph. B. J. 7.5, 4). It then passed through the Circus Flaminius, and through or at least near the theatres in the same region, as affording places for the crowds of spectators (Plut. Luc. 37, Joseph. B. J. l. c.), and probably entered the city proper by the Porta Carmentalis, as we know that the Velabrum (apparently the Vicus Tuscus) and Forum Boarium were traversed (Suet. Jul. 37; Cic. Ver. 1.5. 9, 154). The circuit of the Palatine hill was then made by the Circus Maximus (Cic. l. c.; Plut. Aem. 32), and the road between the Palatine and the Caelian, at the end of which the Via Sacra was reached, which conducted the procession to the Forum (Hor. Od. 4.2, 35; Epod. 7, 8). The route probably passed along the south side of the Forum (Jordan, Capitol, Forum, und Sacra Via, Berlin, 1881). From the end of the Via Sacra started the Clivus Capitolinus, and as the general was about to ascend this the principal captives were led aside into the adjoining prison, and there put to death (Cic. Ver. 5.3. 0, 77; Liv. 26.13; Trebell Poll. Trig. Tyr. 22. Originally such were beheaded with the axe; in later times they were strangled: cf. Liv. 26.13, 15, with Trebell. Poll. Trig. Tyr. 22, 8, and see Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.129). To spare the lives of such captives was exceptional. The earliest case is that of Perseus, spared by Aemilius Paulus (Plut. 37), whose example was followed by Pompey (Appian, Mithr. 117), Tiberius in his Pannonian triumph of A.D. 12 (Ov. ex Pont. 2.1, 45), and Aurelian in the case of Zenobia (Trebell. Poll. Trig. Tyr. 30, 27). The sacrifice in the temple could not begin until the execution had taken place (Joseph. B. J. 7.5, 6).

The general then ascended to the Capitol (Alexander Severus went on foot, Vita, 57, 4). When the temple was reached, the laurel branch and the wreaths of the fasces were deposited in the lap of the god (Sen. Consol. ad Helv. 10; Plin. Nat.15.40; Plin. Pan. 8; Sil. Ital.; Stat. Silv. 4.1, 41; Pacatus, Paneg. in Theod. 9, 5), and in later times a palm branch (cf. Marquardt, Staatsverw. 2. p. 589, note 2). Then the victims were sacrificed. The insignia triumphi, i.e. the most notable spoils (e. g. the recovered standards of Crassus, Dio Cass., and no doubt those of Varus, Tac. Ann. 2.41), were afterwards placed in the temple of Mars Ultor (Suet. Aug. 29). Finally, the general with the senate was entertained at a public feast in the temple (Liv. 45.39). It was the practice to invite the consuls to this banquet, and then to send a message requesting them not to come, in order, doubtless, that the triumphator might be the most distinguished person in the company (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 80; Val. Max., 6). A similar entertainment was provided for the soldiers, and for the citizens in the temple of Hercules (Plut. Luc. 37; Athen. 5. p. 221 f).

The whole of the proceedings, generally speaking, were brought to a close in one day; but when the quantity of plunder was very great, and the troops very numerous, a longer period was required for the exhibition. Thus the Macedonian triumph of Flaminius continued for three days in succession (Liv. 39.52; cf. Plut. Aem. 32).

The honours of the triumphator did not end with the day. At public spectacles he appeared with the laurel wreath (Plin. Nat.15.126; Val. Max., 5), and in exceptional cases in the vestis triumphalis (e.g. L. Aemilius Paulus and Pompey; Auctor, de Vir. ill. 56; Vell. 2.40). It was customary to provide him at the public expense with the site for a house, such mansions being called triumphales domus (Plin. Nat.36.112). His name was inscribed in the Fasti Triumphales (C. I. L. 1. p. 453); he was allowed to decorate the entrance to his house with trophies (Plin. H. N. xxxv. § 7; Cic. Phil. 2.2. 8; Liv. 10.7, 9); and a laurel-wreathed statue standing erect in a triumphal car, displayed in the vestibulum, transmitted his fame to posterity (Juven. 8.3). Finally, after death, his ashes might be deposited within the walls of the city (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 79; Mommsen, Staatsr. 1. p. 426, note 1).

Triumphus in Monte Albano consisted in a procession to the temple of Jupiter Latiaris on the Alban Mount. It took place jure consularis imperii (Liv. 33.23, 3), sine publica auctoritate (Liv. 42.21, 7), but was only resorted to in case of the refusal of a regular triumph by the senate, and was regarded as an inferior distinction (Liv. 33.23). Although it was recorded in the Fasti Triumphales, it was not equivalent to a triumph in the city; for when Marcellus in B.C. 211 was refused the greater but allowed the lesser triumph (ovatio), he still celebrated a triumph on the Alban Mount on the day before the ovation (Liv. 26.21, 6). The first instance was C. Papirius Maso in B.C. 231 (Plin. Nat.15.126; Val. Max., 5), and his example was followed by many others (Liv. 26.21, 6; 33.23-Z2, 3; 42.21-Z2, 7; 45.38-Z2;--Plut. Marc. 22).

Triumphus Navalis. --The earliest on record was celebrated by C. Duilius for his naval victory over the Carthaginians in B.C. 260 (Liv. Ep. xvii.; Flor. 1.8, 10; Plin. Nat.34.20). Other instances are M. Aemilius Paulus in B.C. 254 (Liv. 42.20, 1), C. Lutatius Catulus in B.C. 241 (Val. Max., 2), Q. Fabius Labeo in B.C. 189 (Liv. 37.60, 6), Cn. Octavius in B.C. 167 (Liv. 45.42, 2); and see the Fasti Triumphales for the years 497, 498, 513, 526. Of its special details nothing is known. C. Duilius and M. Aemilius Paulus erected columnae rostratae to commemorate their victories (Liv. 42.20, 1).

Triumphus Castrensis. --A procession of the soldiers through the camp in honour of an officer, inferior to the general, who had performed a brilliant exploit (Liv. 7.36).

Under the Empire, when the monarch became the sole possessor of the imperium and all commanders were only legati acting under his auspices, the condition stated above as to the possession of the imperium was strictly applied, and the precedent created by Caesar in favour of his legati was only followed by Augustus at the beginning of his reign (Dio Cass.; Suet. Aug. 38). Even in the case of the holders of the secondary proconsulare imperium, the triumph became rare, and then only if they were members of the imperial family (Dio Cass.gives B.C. 14 as the date of the change, when Agrippa refused a triumph as he had done in B.C. 19, Dio Cass.). Triumphs were celebrated by Tiberius (B.C. 7, Vell. 2.97, Dio Cass.; and A.D. 12, Vell. 2.121, Suet. Tib. 20), Germanicus (A.D. 26, Tac. Ann. 2.41), and Titus (A.D. 71, associated with his father, Suet. Tit. 6). Up to the time of Caligula the proconsuls of Africa held a kind of independent position with an imperium of their own, and they no doubt retained the rights and practices of the republican magistrates with regard to the triumph. Triumphs of such are recorded for B.C. 21 and 19 (Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.127, note 5; 132, 133, notes 1 and 2; Res Gestae D. Aug. 21).

Under these circumstances the custom was introduced of bestowing the ornamenta triumphalia, i.e. the right to appear on festivals in so much of the triumphal dress as generals had been allowed to retain under the Republic (viz. the laurel wreath, v. sup. Cf. Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.422, 423; Marquardt, Staatsverw. 2.591. At the triumph of Claudius in A.D. 44 M. Crassus Frugi appeared in the tunica palmata, but this was an exceptional honour; the others who obtained the ornamenta on that occasion wore the praetexta: Suet. Cl. 17; cf. Dio Cass., 2), and, after the completion of the Forum of Augustus in B.C. 2, to have a bronze statue (statua laureata) erected there (Dio Cass.. Cf. Tac. Ann. 4.23: perhaps to be distinguished from the statua triumphalis, Plin. Nat.33.131; Tac. Ann. 15.72, Hist. 1.79, Agr. 40; Plin. Ep. 2.7; Peine, de Ornamentis Triumphalibus, c. iv.). Like the triumph, they were decreed by the senate sitting in the temple of Mars Ultor (Dio Cass.; Suet. Aug. 29). The senate only is generally said to grant the honour (Tac. Ann. 2.52; Hist. 4.4), and even to the emperor himself (Suet. Cl. 17); but in the inscriptions of the time of Vespasian and later the words auctore imperatore are generally added, and perhaps this was the case earlier (Tac. Ann. 3.72, Agr. 40; Dio Cass., 2: cf. Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.450, note 3). Under Augustus they appear to have been granted only if the conditions for a regular triumph were in existence (but cf. Dio Cass., 2), excepting of course the independent imperium. According to Suetonius (Tib 9), Tiberius was the first to receive them, and there were numerous other instances in the reign of Augustus (Suet. Aug. 38). Afterwards, owing to the indiscriminate bestowal of the honour by the Julian emperors (Tiberius rewarded delators with it, Dio Cass.: cf. Tac. Ann. 11.20, 3, 12.3-Z2, 2; Suet. Cl. 24; Nero, 15;--Dio Cass., 2; 31, 7), it was no longer regarded as such (Tac. Ann. 13.53). Vespasian seems to have restored its position for a time (Marquardt, Staatsverw. 2.592), but the abuses reappeared under Domitian (Plin. Ep. 2.7). The last instance known is of the time of Hadrian (C. I. L. 3.2830). Forty-eight in all have been collected by Peine. In the time of the Antonines and later, when the full triumphal dress was regularly worn by every consul on entry into office and other state occasions (Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.399, and note 4), the only military distinction that remained was a statua inter triumphales, i.e. in the Forum of Trajan or some other public place reserved for such memorials (C. I. L. 6.1377, 1540, &c.: cf. Trebell. Poll. Trig. Tyr. 21. See generally Mommsen, Staatsr. 1.449; Marquardt, Staatsverw. 2.592; Peine, de Ornamentis Triumphalibus, Berlin, 1885).

The last triumph recorded is that of Diocletian in A.D. 302 (Eutrop. 9, 27. Marquardt, Staatsverw. 2.591, n. 7, considers the so-called triumph of Belisarius after the recovery of Africa to have been rather a processus consularis: Procop. B. Vand. 2, 9). The total number of triumphs upon record down to this period amounts to about 350 (Orosius (Oros. 7.9, reckons 320 from Romulus to Vespasian).

After the triumph had assumed its distinctive form, it seems to have been taken as the type of a festival procession in which any of the chief magistrates took part, and hence the procession of the Praetor Urbanus in the Circus Maximus before the games of Apollo was modelled on it (Juven. 10.36sqq., 11.194, similis triumpho),--a fact which Mommsen is inclined to attribute to the original connexion between the ludi and the triumph, both being parts of the public rejoicings after a victory (Staatsr. i. p. 397). It is remarkable that the same idea seems to have influenced the funeral procession of Augustus. (It passed through the Porta Triumphalis, an image of Victory accompanied the bier, and boards inscribed with the names of the peoples he had conquered were carried. See Tac. Ann. 1.8, 4; Suet. Aug. 100.) Under the Empire the triumphal costume became an official imperial dress (as early as Pompey, Vell. 2.40). Caesar appears to have intended to use it on every public occasion (Dio Cass.; cf. Plut. Caes. 61), but Augustus and his successors wore it only at festivals and spectacles. (Domitian, however, more freely: Dio Cass., 3; Mommsen, Staatsr. i. pp. 401, 423.) Its use by the consuls when they entered upon their office has been mentioned above.

[G.Mc.N.R]

Triumphus

(θρίαμβος). A solemn procession in which a victorious Roman general entered the city in a chariot drawn by four horses. He was preceded by the captives and spoils taken in war, and was followed by his troops; and, after passing in state along the Via Sacra, ascended the Capitol to offer sacrifice in the Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus. From the early days of the Republic down to the extinction of liberty a regular triumph (iustus triumphus) was recognized as the climax of military glory, and was the cherished object of ambition to every Roman general. A triumph might be granted for successful achievements either by land or sea, but the latter were comparatively so rare that we may for the present defer the consideration of the naval triumph. After any decisive battle had been won, or a province subdued by a series of successful operations, the imperator forwarded to the Senate a laurel-wreathed despatch (litterae laureatae) containing an account of his exploits. If the intelligence proved satisfactory, the Senate decreed a public thanksgiving. (See supplicatio.) After the war had been concluded, the general with his army repaired to Rome, or ordered his army to meet him there on a given day, but did not enter the city. A meeting of the Senate was held without the walls, usually in the temple of either Bellona or Apollo, that he might have an opportunity of urging his pretensions in person, and these were then scrutinized and discussed with the most jealous care. The following rules were for the most part rigidly enforced, although the Senate assumed the discretionary power of relaxing them in special cases: (a) That no one could be permitted to triumph unless he had held the office of dictator, of consul, or of praetor. The honours granted to Pompey, who triumphed in his twenty-fourth year (B.C. 81), before he had held any of the great offices of the State, and again ten years afterwards, while still a simple knight, were altogether unprecedented. (b) That the magistrate should have been actually in office both when the victory was gained and when the triumph was to be celebrated. This regulation was insisted upon only during the earlier ages of the commonwealth. Its violation commenced with Q. Publilius Philo, the first per son to whom the Senate ever granted a prorogatio imperii after the termination of a magistracy, and thenceforward proconsuls and propraetors were permitted to triumph without question. (c) That the war should have been prosecuted or the battle fought under the auspices and in the province and with the troops of the general seeking the triumph. Thus, if a victory was gained by the legatus of a general who was absent from the army, the honour of it did not belong to the former, but to the latter, inasmuch as he had the auspices. (d) That at least 5000 of the enemy should have been slain in a single battle, that the advantage should have been positive, and not merely a compensation for some previous disaster, and that the loss on the part of the Romans should have been small compared with that of their adversaries. Nevertheless, we find many instances of triumphs granted for general results, without reference to the numbers slain in any one engagement. (e) That the war should have been a legitimate contest against public foes, and not a civil contest. Hence Catulus celebrated no triumph over Lepidus, nor Antonius over Catiline, nor Cinna and Marius over their antagonists of the Sullan party, nor Caesar after Pharsalia; and when he did subsequently triumph after his victory over the sons of Pompey, it caused universal disgust. (f) That the dominion of the State should have been extended, and not merely something previously lost regained. The absolute acquisition of territory does not appear to have been essential. (g) That the war should have been brought to a conclusion and the province reduced to a state of peace, so as to permit of the army being withdrawn, the presence of the victorious soldiers being considered indispensable in a triumph.

The Senate claimed the exclusive right of deliberating upon all these points, and of giving or withholding the honour sought, and it for the most part exercised the privilege without question, except in times of great political excitement. The sovereignty of the people, however, in this matter was asserted at a very early date, and a triumph is said to have been voted by the tribes to Valerius and Horatius, the consuls of B.C. 446, in direct opposition to the resolution of the senators, and in a similar manner to C. Marcius Rutilus, the first plebeian dictator; while L. Postumius Megellus, consul B.C. 294, celebrated a triumph although resisted by the Senate and by seven out of the ten tribunes. Moreover, we read of a certain Appius Claudius, consul B.C. 143, who, having persisted in celebrating a triumph in defiance of both the Senate and the people, was accompanied by his daughter (or sister) Claudia, a Vestal Virgin, and by her interposition saved from being dragged from his chariot by a tribune. A disappointed general, however, seldom ventured to resort to such violent measures, but satisfied himself with going through the forms on the Alban Mount (triumphus in Monte Albano), a practice first introduced by C. Papirius Maso. If the Senate gave its consent, it at the same time voted a sum of money towards defraying the necessary expenses, and one of the tribunes ex auctoritate Senatus applied for a plebiscitum to permit the imperator to retain his imperium on the day when he entered the city. This last form could not be dispensed with either in an ovation or a triumph, because the imperium conferred by the Comitia Curiata did not include the city itself; and when a general had once gone forth paludatus, his military power ceased as soon as he re-entered the gates, unless the general law had been previously suspended by a special enactment. In this manner the resolution of the Senate was, as it were, ratified by the plebs. For this reason, no one desiring a triumph ever entered the city until the question was decided, since by so doing he would ipso facto have forfeited all claim. We have a remarkable example of this in the case of Cicero, who, after his return from Cilicia, lingered in the vicinity of Rome day after day, and dragged about his lictors from one place to another, without entering the city, in the vain hope of a triumph.

In later times these pageants were marshalled with extraordinary pomp and splendour, and presented a most gorgeous spectacle. Minute details would necessarily be different according to circumstances, but the general arrangements were as follows: All the temples were thrown open, garlands of flowers decorated every shrine and image, and incense smoked on every altar. Meanwhile the imperator called an assembly of his soldiers, delivered an oration (contio) commending their valour, and concluded by distributing rewards to the most distinguished, and a sum of money to each individual, the amount depending on the value of the spoils. He then ascended his triumphal car and advanced to the Porta Triumphalis, where he was met by the whole body of the Senate, headed by the magistrates. The procession then defiled in the following order: (1) the Senate, headed by the magistrates;

(2) a body of trumpeters;

(3) a train of carriages and frames or litters loaded with spoils, those articles which were especially remarkable either on account of their beauty or rarity being disposed in such a manner as to be seen distinctly by the crowd. Boards were also borne aloft on fercula, on which were painted in large letters the names of vanquished nations and countries. Here, too, models were exhibited in ivory or wood of the cities and forts captured, and pictures of the mountains, rivers, and other great natural features of the subjugated region, with appropriate inscriptions, gold and silver in coin or bullion, arms, weapons, and cavalry trappings of every description, statues, pictures, vases, and other works of art, precious stones, elaborately wrought and richly embroidered stuffs, and every object which could be regarded as valuable or curious.

(4) A body of flute players.

(5) The white bulls or oxen destined for sacrifice, with gilded horns, decorated with infulae and serta, attended by the slaughtering priests with their implements, and followed by the Camilli bearing in their hands paterae and other sacred vessels and instruments.

(6) Elephants or any other strange animals peculiar to the conquered districts.

(7) The arms and insignia of the leaders of the foe.

(8) The enemy's leaders themselves, and such of their kindred as had been taken prisoners, followed by the whole band of inferior captives in fetters.

(9) The crowns (coronae) and other tributes of respect and gratitude bestowed on the imperator by allied kings and States.

(10) The lictors of the imperator in single file, their fasces wreathed with laurel.

(11) The imperator himself in a circular chariot of a peculiar form, drawn by four horses, which were sometimes, though rarely, white. He was attired in a goldembroidered robe (toga picta) and a flowered tunic (tunica palmata), and bore in his right hand a laurel bough, and in his left a sceptre. His brows were encircled with a wreath of Delphic laurel, in addition to which, in ancient times, his body was painted bright red. He was accompanied in his chariot by his children of tender years, and sometimes by very dear or highly honoured friends, while behind him stood a public slave, holding over his head a golden Etruscan crown ornamented with jewels. The presence of a slave in such a place at such a time seems to have been intended to avert invidia and the influence of the evil eye, and for the same purpose a fascinum (q. v.), a little bell, and a scourge were attached to the vehicle. Tertullian (Apol. 33) tells us that the slave ever and anon whispered in the ear of the imperator the warning words “Respice post te, hominem memento te,” but this statement is not confirmed by early writers, though mentioned in Arrian.

(12) Behind the chariot, or on the horses which drew it, rode the sons of the imperator, together with the legati, the tribuni, and the equites, all on horseback.

(13) The rear was brought up by the whole body of the infantry in marching order, their spears adorned with laurel, some shouting “Io Triumphe!” and singing hymns to the gods, while others proclaimed the praises of their leader or indulged in keen sarcasms and coarse ribaldry at his expense, for the most perfect freedom of speech was granted and exercised. Just as the procession was ascending the Capitoline Hill, some of the hostile chiefs were led aside into the adjoining prison and put to death, a custom so barbarous that we could scarcely believe that it existed in a civilized age, were it not attested by the most unquestionable evidence. Pompey, indeed, refrained from perpetrating this atrocity in his third triumph, and Aurelian on a like occasion spared Zenobia (q.v.), but these are quoted as exceptions to the general rule. When it was announced that these murders had been completed, the victims were then sacrificed, an offering from the spoils was presented to Iupiter, the laurel wreath was deposited in the lap of the god, and the imperator was entertained at a public feast along with his friends in the temple. When he returned home in the evening he was preceded by torches and pipes, and escorted by a crowd of citizens. The whole of the proceedings, generally speaking, were brought to a close in one day; but when the quantity of spoil was very great, and the troops very numerous, a longer period was required for the exhibition, as when the triumph of Flaminius continued for three days in succession. But the glories of the imperator did not end with the show, nor even with his life. It was customary to provide him at the public expense with a site for a house, such mansions being styled triumphales domus. After death his kindred were permitted to deposit his ashes within the walls, and laurel-wreathed statues standing erect in triumphal cars, displayed in the vestibulum of the family mansion, transmitted his fame to posterity.

A Triumphus Navālis appears to have differed in no respect from an ordinary triumph, except that it must have been upon a smaller scale, and would be characterized by the exhibition of beaks of ships (rostra) and other nautical trophies. The earliest upon record was granted to C. Duilius, who laid the foundation of the supremacy of Rome by sea in the First Punic War; and who was so elated by his success that during the rest of his life, whenever he returned home at night from dinner, he caused flutes to sound and torches to be borne before him. A second naval triumph was celebrated by Lutatius Catulus for his victory off the Insulae Aegates (B.C. 241); a third by Q. Fabius Labeo (B.C. 189) over the Cretans; and a fourth by C. Octavius over Perseus, without captives and without spoils.

Triumphus Castrensis was a procession of the soldiers through the camp in honour of a tribune or any officer inferior to the general, who had performed some brilliant exploit. After the extinction of freedom, the emperor being considered as the supreme commander of all the armies of the State, every military achievement was understood to be performed under his auspices, and hence, according to the forms of even the ancient constitution, he alone had a legitimate claim to a triumph. This principle was soon fully recognized and acted upon; for although Antonius had granted triumphs to his legati, and his example had been freely followed by Augustus in the early part of his career, yet after the year B.C. 14 he entirely discontinued the practice, and from that time forward triumphs were rarely, if ever, conceded to any except members of the imperial family. But to compensate in some degree for what was then taken away, the custom was introduced of bestowing what were termed triumphalia ornamenta—that is, permission to receive the titles bestowed upon the imperator of republican times and in the robes worn by him, with the right to bequeath triumphal statues to their descendants. See Peine, De Ornamentis Triumphalibus (Leipzig, 1885).